A synthesis of evidence for policy from behavioural science during COVID-19
Jan 1, 2024·,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,·
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Kai Ruggeri
Friederike Stock
S. Alexander Haslam
Valerio Capraro
Paulo Boggio
Naomi Ellemers
Aleksandra Cichocka
Karen M. Douglas
David G. Rand
Sander Van Der Linden
Mina Cikara
Eli J. Finkel
James N. Druckman
Michael J. A. Wohl
Richard E. Petty
Joshua A. Tucker
Azim Shariff
Michele Gelfand
Dominic Packer
Jolanda Jetten
Paul A. M. Van Lange
Gordon Pennycook
Ellen Peters
Katherine Baicker
Alia Crum
Kim A. Weeden
Lucy Napper
Nassim Tabri
Jamil Zaki
Linda Skitka
Shinobu Kitayama
Dean Mobbs
Cass R. Sunstein
Sarah Ashcroft-Jones
Anna Louise Todsen
Ali Hajian
Sanne Verra
Vanessa Buehler
Maja Friedemann
Marlene Hecht
Rayyan S. Mobarak
Ralitsa Karakasheva
Markus R. Tünte
Siu Kit Yeung
R. Shayna Rosenbaum
Žan Lep
Yuki Yamada
Sa-Kiera Tiarra Jolynn Hudson
Lucía Macchia
Irina Soboleva
Eugen Dimant
Sandra J. Geiger
Hannes Jarke
Tobias Wingen
Jana B. Berkessel
Silvana Mareva
Lucy McGill
Francesca Papa
Bojana Većkalov
Zeina Afif
Eike K. Buabang
Marna Landman
Felice Tavera
Jack L. Andrews
Aslı Bursalıoğlu
Zorana Zupan
Lisa Wagner
Joaquín Navajas
Marek Vranka
David Kasdan
Patricia Chen
Kathleen R. Hudson
Lindsay M. Novak
Paul Teas
Nikolay R. Rachev
Matteo M. Galizzi
Katherine L. Milkman
Marija Petrović
Jay J. Van Bavel
Robb Willer
Abstract
Scientific evidence regularly guides policy decisions1, with behavioural science increasingly part of this process2. In April 2020, an influential paper3 proposed 19 policy recommendations (‘claims’) detailing how evidence from behavioural science could contribute to efforts to reduce impacts and end the COVID-19 pandemic. Here we assess 747 pandemic-related research articles that empirically investigated those claims. We report the scale of evidence and whether evidence supports them to indicate applicability for policymaking. Two independent teams, involving 72 reviewers, found evidence for 18 of 19 claims, with both teams finding evidence supporting 16 (89%) of those 18 claims. The strongest evidence supported claims that anticipated culture, polarization and misinformation would be associated with policy effectiveness. Claims suggesting trusted leaders and positive social norms increased adherence to behavioural interventions also had strong empirical support, as did appealing to social consensus or bipartisan agreement. Targeted language in messaging yielded mixed effects and there were no effects for highlighting individual benefits or protecting others. No available evidence existed to assess any distinct differences in effects between using the terms ‘physical distancing’ and ‘social distancing’. Analysis of 463 papers containing data showed generally large samples; 418 involved human participants with a mean of 16,848 (median of 1,699). That statistical power underscored improved suitability of behavioural science research for informing policy decisions. Furthermore, by implementing a standardized approach to evidence selection and synthesis, we amplify broader implications for advancing scientific evidence in policy formulation and prioritization.
Type
Publication
Nature